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It’s no surprise Trump has met his match in Pope Leo – the US president represents the polar opposite of Christianity | Jonathan Freedland

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Name the deadliest of sins – cruelty, deceit, avarice – and Trump will both exhibit them and celebrate them

It’s no accident that the figure emerging as the global challenger to the might of Donald Trump is a priest in white, known as Pope Leo XIV. In recent weeks, the pope has issued a string of barely coded denunciations of the US president, unfazed by the insults that have come his way in return. It’s no longer fanciful to imagine that what an eastern European pontiff, John Paul II, did by confronting the Soviet empire in the 1980s, an American-born pope may do in the 2020s by daring to speak truth to the would-be emperor in the White House.

Of course, several heads of government have stood up to Trump too. Canada’s Mark Carney has done it most explicitly, while his European counterparts have taken a stand by refusing to join the president’s reckless, wrong-headed war on Iran. But none has the global reach of the leader of the world’s 1.4 billion Catholics.

Jonathan Freedland is a Guardian columnist

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Palantir's social media manifesto is a blueprint for technofascism

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The recent 22-point post on X by Palantir Technologies outlining the philosophy of its co-founder and CEO Alex Karp – on everything from compulsory national service to a new age of deterrence built in AI – is quite an event. It’s one thing for a government or political party to articulate and compete over a political vision: that’s expected, even mandatory. It’s another for a private company, especially one deeply embedded in state security and surveillance, to do so. This is not just advertisement by a leading global tech arms dealer. It’s a manifesto. And for any friend of democracy, reading it is like opening a food item that you suspected has gone off, but you didn’t know it was that much off.

Palantir, led by Alexander Karp and founded by Peter Thiel, is not a political thinktank. It is not an elected body. It’s not accountable to the public. It’s a contractor: a tech firm that builds powerful software and data infrastructure used by militaries, intelligence agencies and law enforcement around the world. When such a company begins to speak in sweeping ideological terms about the direction society should take, it raises questions, and rightly so.

But it’s the content, tone and subtext of the post – distilled from Karp’s book The Technological Republic: Hard Power, Soft Belief and the Future of the West – that makes it especially unsettling and why we must pay attention. Rather than sticking to product announcements, it advances a worldview. A political ideology, and a very particular one: one that is openly hostile to liberal democracy, rejects pluralism, inclusion, and empathy, instead embracing “hard power” (read: violence) and permanent warfare (ideal if you’re an arms dealer), calling for sacrifices for the nation and drafting people into military service, cracking down on crime, welcoming religion in the realm of power, dismissing the equality of cultures in favour of western supremacy and elitism, deeming interiority and reflection unnecessary when it comes to the masses (that’s reserved for the elite), promoting collaboration between Big Tech and state, endorsing the suppression of dissent by means of a surveillance system that always knows how to find you, demanding the rearmament of Germany and Japan, and arguing for technological dominance over the enemies of the state. 

Not the usual language of tech, not even Big Tech. If this sounds familiar, it should. The glorification of strength, warfare and the nation, the subordination of citizens to the state, and the entanglement of corporate and state power rings a very specific bell: a fascist one. Silicon Valley has been drifting in that direction for some time now – think of Elon Musk, Peter Thiel, and others. But now things are getting more consequential.

In my book Why AI Undermines Democracy and in my paper on technofascism, I warned against a political trajectory in which digital technologies do not merely support governance but begin to reshape it in authoritarian directions. The danger is not only overt repression and warmongering but also a subtler transformation: the normalisation of surveillance, the delegation of judgment to opaque systems, and the quiet concentration of power in the actors who design and control these infrastructures.

Palantir does not only exist to make money. With its ties to state power, and in particular the Trump regime, the goal is power accumulation. Not so much for the state in question, but for the tech executives themselves. Technological elites begin to function as quasi-political authorities without democratic legitimacy. The engineer, the data scientist, but especially the billionaire, is recast as arbiter of social order. Who needs a parliament?

There is something distinctly authoritarian in the subtext of Palantir’s post. The emphasis on total visibility, on integrating disparate data streams into a single operational picture, on enabling faster and more decisive action. From a business and engineering perspective, all this can be framed as a call for efficiency. But efficiency, what Karp’s beloved Frankfurt School – he studied under Jürgen Habermas – called instrumental rationality, can become a political value that overrides others: deliberation, pluralism, dissent. In such a system, the friction of democratic processes is not a feature but a bug to be engineered away. This belief does not arrive wearing the obvious symbols of 20th-century authoritarianism; it comes dressed as security, innovation, optimisation and progress.

Palantir’s manifesto frames its tech as a response to the lack of order and security: the belief that advanced technology can and should be used to impose order on a complex, unruly world, guided by those who build and understand these systems.

The tech imperium envisaged here is put forward as an answer to a particular framing of the problem: a framing introduced by Hobbes in the 17th century and further developed by German political theorist Carl Schmitt – who provided legal and philosophical cover for the Nazi regime. Hobbes held the pessimistic view that without authoritarian order, humans don’t manage to live together. He justified absolute state authority as the force that could restore order. A Leviathan to rule over people. Palantir’s answer to chaos at the global level is similar. The message to their clients is: make sure you’re the winner, dominate, and order is restored. Forget multilateralism; become the strongest and impose your order on all others.

Tech is the ideal tool for that: you don’t need to talk to people, try to convince them, argue with them. Habermas is passé; Schmitt is back. You just need to make sure you’re the strongest. The aim is to make “software that dominates”, as Palantir puts it on its X account profile. In other words, it aims to build the new Leviathan: the Hobbesian monster that guarantees security, but that comes at the price of freedom and democracy. Karp and Thiel are prepared to pay that price; or rather, they want you to pay it.

The most troubling part is that this vision is not hypothetical. Palantir and its political allies have already partly implemented it. Predictive policing tools shape how law enforcement allocates resources. Immigration systems rely on AI to track and categorise individuals. Military operations increasingly depend on real-time data fusion platforms and AI is used to select targets for air strikes. Palantir’s software is a central part of this ecosystem. It’s used by the US government and Israel, but also by law enforcement in the EU and UK, and in Britain’s NHS. When the company describes a world organised around these capabilities, it is not imagining the future: it is describing the present, just extended and intensified. The contracts are signed. People have been detained. Bombs have fallen. 

This is a gradual, infrastructural shift, not a sudden break into authoritarianism, but a slow recalibration of what feels normal via the entanglement of tech with power. The more these systems are embedded, the more their underlying assumptions – about control, visibility, and power – fade into the background. The problem is structural. Once the violence and technocracy are normalised, the way back to democracy narrows. 

But this is not inevitable. We can and must defend democracy. In a healthy democracy, the direction of society is contested in public, through institutions designed – however imperfectly – to reflect the will of the people. Private tech companies have every right to participate in that conversation. But when their participation takes the form of promoting a model that concentrates power in the very systems they control, scepticism and resistance are not only warranted but necessary. Palantir’s post offers us a glimpse of the technofascist trajectory: not as a distant possibility, but as a world already under construction.

Perhaps that’s why it all sounds so confident. Karp is a happy man.

Mark Coeckelbergh is professor of philosophy at University of Vienna. His new book is called Artificial Religion: On AI, Myth and Power (MIT Press). This is an edited version of a post from his Medium blog

The Nerve is a fearless, independent media title launched by five former Guardian / Observer journalists: investigative journalist Carole Cadwalladr, editors Sarah Donaldson, Jane Ferguson and Imogen Carter and creative director Lynsey Irvine. We cover culture, politics and tech, brought to you in twice weekly newsletters on Tuesdays and Fridays (sign up here). We rely on funding from our community, so please also consider joining us as a paying member. You can read more about our mission here.
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The rush to appease Trump led Keir Starmer into this ethical void | Rafael Behr

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Peter Mandelson’s flaws were mistaken for credentials to represent Britain in the court of a rogue president

You can’t kill something that is already dead. New details about Peter Mandelson’s disastrous appointment as Britain’s ambassador to Washington can trigger more paroxysms of outrage in Westminster. They can sharpen the pitch of opposition calls for the prime minister to resign. They can reinforce the view among Labour MPs that Keir Starmer shouldn’t lead them into a general election. But they can’t produce consensus around a replacement, or invent a way to choose one without self-destructive factional feuding.

Labour MPs’ craving for better leadership has been finely balanced with fear of holding a contest and emerging with someone worse. There is no final straw yet to come because the camel’s back was broken months ago.

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The decision of a Prime Minister

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19 April 2026

Only one person decided to appoint Lord Mandelson

*

Once upon a time there was a ruler who made a bad decision.

All the courtiers and servants knew it was a bad decision, but they put into effect the bad decision, for the ruler had already made and proclaimed the decision.

And when it turned out to be a very bad decision indeed, those courtiers and servants were sacked by the now “furious” ruler.

*

When the current Prime Minister of the United Kingdom makes a bad decision it always seems that others must take the blame.

Of course, such shruggery is not unusual in politics: one does not usually become a Prime Minister by being the sort that resigns from jobs. That is not how one climbs what Disraeli called the greasy pole to Prime Ministerial office.

But when Keir Starmer appointed Lord Mandelson as ambassador to the United States (thereby sacking a perfectly capable ambassador), it was very much his decision.

A decision which only the Prime Minister could make.

View differ on the reason for the appointment. Perhaps the sui generis problem of President Trump needed a sui generis appointment of a “Trump-Whisperer”. Perhaps, as many political journalists aver, it was simply because it was believed by senior Labour politicians that Mandelson somehow deserved a job in return for something or other.

The reason, however, really does not matter: it was plain that the Prime Minister had made a decision, and it was a decision announced as soon as possible.

And this is the important thing: it was the decision of the Prime Minister.

*

Yet it is others who are having to resign: the ambassador, the chief of staff, and now the head official at the foreign office.

We do not have full information as to the vetting process (and it is itself a remarkable security failure that we all know as much about this vetting process as we do, if you think about it).

It may be there was some form of communication between the foreign office and Downing Street, even if deft or unspoken, or it may be that the foreign office did not pass on the results of the vetting process so to give effect to the Prime Minister had already and publicly decided.

In either case, the responsibility for the decision is with the Prime Minister.

*

But the Prime Minister does not want to take responsibility for his decision.

He will keep sacking other people instead – none of who made the decision, and none of whom are accountable to parliament for the decision that only he made.

Whether the Prime Minister misled parliament or the world at large about what he knew is now bogged-down in a depressing game of semantics.

What will not happen, it seems, is that the Prime Minister will take actual responsibility for his bad decision to appoint Mandelson as ambassador: for that would mean it was wrong of him to sack his chief of staff and the senior official at the foreign office.

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All this shows how important it was for the House of Commons to take the decisions on disclosure of papers related to Mandelson’s appointment out of the hands of the Prime Minister.

That vote by the House of Commons was of immense political and constitutional significance. Members of Parliament decided that the Prime Minister could not be trusted to apply “national security” in disclosure matters.

The consequences of that momentous vote are now becoming more and more obvious.

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Either we have Prime Ministerial accountability or we do not.

This is not a situation where a minister is being asked to take responsibility for decisions by officials – the Crichel Down situation.

That wider doctrine of ministerial accountability was always unrealistic: a minister cannot possibly know or approve of every decision in their department.

This is about a Prime Minister taking responsibility for their own decision – a high-level decision which only a Prime Minister can take.

And whatever further details is still come out about the matter, it will always have been the Prime Minister’s decision to appoint Mandelson.

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Once upon a time there was ruler who was “furious” at being expected to be a ruler.

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The Brexit delusion is dead – so now Keir Starmer doesn’t need to pretend any more | Rafael Behr

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To rebuild relations with Europe in a dangerous world, the prime minister needs to win big arguments, not hide behind outdated red lines

In opposition, Keir Starmer pushed Brexit to the margin of debate. In government, he has learned that Europe is central to Britain’s interests whether you talk about it or not. The avoidance of painful arguments from the past turns out to be a handicap when making plans for the future.

This was predictable. Labour’s 2024 general election manifesto pretended that Brexit was a historical event. It was something Boris Johnson got “done” in 2020, in fulfilment of his winning campaign pledge from the previous year. The terms could be tweaked, but Starmer promised to preserve the substance. That was an indulgence of public fatigue with the whole issue, made electorally expedient by fear of offending former Labour supporters who had voted leave in the referendum.

Rafael Behr is a Guardian columnist

Guardian Newsroom: Can Labour come back from the brink?
On Thursday 30 April, join Gaby Hinsliff, Zoe Williams, Polly Toynbee and Rafael Behr as they discuss how much of a threat Labour faces from the Green party and Reform UK – and whether Keir Starmer can survive as leader. Book tickets here

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Fanatics vs dilettantes

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Some people know from an early age what they want to do in life. I was never one of these. I never in fact found a job I was really suited for. I didn’t have the social skills to be a journalist, nor the confidence in forecasting to stay in investment banking, and I didn’t have the academic’s capacity to devote myself to a narrow field of learning or to

cope with reviewer 2.

In my 60s, however, I have finally discovered what I was cut out for - to be a dilettante. I go to a class on Shakespeare each week, learn Italian, study music theory and composition, play guitar, read novels and history, and cultivate a garden as well as writing this Substack. I know a little bit about a lot of things: you want me on your quiz team.

Which poses a question: which is better - to be a dilettante or a fanatic?

I use the word “dilettante” rather than polymath not from modesty but from reality. Knowledge has advanced so much that it’s no longer possible to be a true polymath. Maybe John von Neumann or Jacob Bronowski came close, but they were rare geniuses even three generations ago. What Adam Smith said of the production of goods applies also to the production of knowledge: it requires a division of labour, people who devote much of their life to a single narrow subject.

We need fanatics who do just this. And not just in academia; musicians, novelists and artists must be fanatical enough to practice enough to master their disciplines.

Fanaticism doesn’t always foster knowledge, though. Liz Truss is a fanatic, but not overly freighted with knowledge or wisdom. She’s an extreme example, but you know many less extreme others, and if you don’t just look at any Question Time audience.

And even where fanatics do learn, Smith’s analogy goes further. Just as there are diminishing returns to the production of goods so too are there to the production of knowledge: research productivity is falling. And fanaticism coupled with pressure to publish leads some academics to falsify data, use AI slop or simply to make claims that aren’t true - hence the replication crisis.

Also, of course, Smith wasn’t entirely admiring of the division of labour. It causes people, he said, to become “as stupid and ignorant as it is possible for a human creature to become.”

That’s perhaps an exaggeration for most professional people. But it contains a germ of truth. The Christmas editions of University Challenge are a little dumbed down because people who’ve had distinguished careers (a malefaction I avoided) haven’t had the time to cultivate wider knowledge.

The fanaticism that leads one to identify closely with one’s work can also lead to professional deformation, a failure to see that one’s professional standards cannot always be applied to the wider world. Academics, for example, are prone to seeing bad policy as intellectual error rather than what it often is - the product of power struggles or bad incentives.

Another fault of the fanatic was exemplified recently by Marc Andreessen saying that people 400 years ago didn’t do introspection - oblivious to the fact that the title character in Shakespeare’s most famous play does exactly that.

Dilettantism is a correction to this error. What I’m learning is that there are different ways of learning. For most of my life, I’ve been able to flip through papers and books on economics thinking “I’ve got the gist of this”, and this has been good enough. In other subjects it’s not. In learning a language or playing guitar what matters is that you just immerse yourself. James Buchanan’s advice to young researchers is correct: “keep your ass in the chair.” When reading Shakespeare and other literature you must look not merely for clarity as you do perhaps in scientific disciplines but for ambiguity. The meaning of “to be or not to be”, for example, varies depending on which word is emphasized. And whilst the search for absolute precision and for general laws is good in physics, it is often silly in the social sciences.

Fanatics who have stuck to one discipline neglect these differences - especially if, like too many techbros, they overvalue high IQs. That leads to a mistaken belief that because they are masters of one discipline (or fancy themselves as such) they can apply their expertise to anything else. Andreeson’s silly remark continues a long tradition of people who excel in one field making fools of themselves in others: Bobby Fischer, William Shockley, James Watson, Richard Dawkins, pretty much any businessman in politics, and so on. A good dilettante, on the other hand, at least knows enough about other disciplines to know his limits.

A related mark of the fanatic is the habit of seeing things from only one point of view. We see this sometimes in economics, when conventional economists try to squeeze every “shock” into a DSGE model without considering whether such models have their limits - not least being that they have so many “shocks” that are exogenous to their system. Better economists follow Dani Rodrik’s advice and use different models in different contexts, knowing the strengths and weaknesses of all. They’re dilettantes.

What’s true of economics is also true of politics. There are those so wrapped up in their own mindset that they can’t escape it. The absurd extreme example of this is Trump’s war on Iran. As a narcissistic solipsist he has no theory of mind, no insight into his opponents, and hence no strategy, with the result that he was surprised when the Iranians fought back.

Sane people, however, are prone to a less idiotic form of what I mean, and the vice is far from confined to so-called extremists. When he blamed Today’s falling listenership on “news avoiders” Nick Robinson failed to appreciate that the journalist’s point of view is only one of many, and that intelligent people are increasingly cheesed off with it. And mainstream economists sometimes cannot think outside of their preferred theory, whereas we Marxists can use Marxism or conventional economics as the context requires, Marxism for me being an antidote to ideological fanaticism.

In these respects the dilettante is a close relation of Richard Rorty’s ironist - one who forever doubts their own beliefs and vocabularies, aware that there are other sometimes compelling ones and able to step into them when required.

Here, however, we run into a problem. Social structures sometimes select for fanatics.

Dilettantes can set up a successful businesses, but they sell out for a few million and retire to the country. What distinguishes them from billionaires isn’t ability so much as the fact that the billionaire is fanatical enough to keep going. This is true of work generally. Whereas fanatics try 9-9-6 working (at least for a while!) dilettantes jump off the partnership tracks, change career, downshift or retire early, allowing fanatics to rise to the top. No wonder, then, that so many CEOs are sniffy about home-life balance. Corporations are sometimes likened to psychopaths, because they often end up being run by those with a monomanic obsession with “success”.

The business people we hear most from - billionaires and CEOs - are fanatics.

The same’s true of politics. Being an MP means your evenings are taken up with meetings and your days with attending to constituents and lobbyists with bees in their bonnets. That means the political process selects for fanatics, and so even the best politicians are unrepresentative of intelligent thinking. For example they overvalue hard work, failing to see that for millions of people it is drudgery and unfreedom, and overestimate what policy can actually achieve.

Years ago, journalists spoke of MPs such as Jenkins or Heath having a “hinterland”. That’s gone out of fashion.

One might imagine there’s an upside to fanaticism in business and politics, expressed (pdf) by George Bernard Shaw:

The reasonable man adapts himself to the world: the unreasonable one persists in trying to adapt the world to himself. Therefore all progress depends on the unreasonable man.

He wrote that in 1903. The following four decades showed the problem with it - that the enemies of progress are even worse fanatics. We now face the same problem we had in the 30s: how to defeat the forces of reaction, those who would reverse the progress made on racial and gender equality?

Not with dilettantism or ironism. Robert Frost warned against this when he said that “a liberal is a man too broadminded to take his own side in a quarrel.” That’s great for civilized discussion in SCRs, but less so when fighting the far right. As Toby Buckle says, those who believe in liberal equality need to state their case more strongly - to be more fanatical.

Here, our national mythology disguises a nasty fact - that Stalin and communists did more to beat Nazism than liberal westerners. Dilettantes and ironists might be civilized people, but on their own, civilized people don’t defeat Nazis.

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